IntroductionIndividuals' math value beliefs are theorized to influence who persists in STEM. However, the existing findings on gender differences in adolescents' math value beliefs are inconsistent. The goal of this study was to use three existing datasets to help clarify when gender differences emerge for high school adolescents and for whom (i.e., adolescents across historical time, grade level, and race/ethnicity). Specifically, we examined the extent to which gender differences in adolescents' math value beliefs (i.e., interest, utility, and attainment) replicated (1) across three datasets spanning the 1990s to 2010s, (2) from 9th-12th grade, and (3) within each of the four largest U.S. racial/ethnic groups (i.e., Asian, Black, Latine, and White adolescents).MethodsWe tested these aims with three existing longitudinal U.S. datasets: the California Achievement Motivation Project (CAMP) (n = 8855), the Childhood and Beyond Study (CAB) (n = 582), and the High School Longitudinal Study (HSLS) (n = 21,000). Students were in high school (9th-12th grade) and half were girls (49%-53%). All three datasets included measures with the same or similar math value belief items, making conceptual replication possible.Results and ConclusionsOverall, we did not find strong evidence for meaningful gender differences in adolescents' math value beliefs overall. We did find meaningful gender differences in the oldest data set (CAB). When examined within each racial/ethnic group, we found no evidence of gender differences in math value beliefs among Black or Latine adolescents, but some differences among Asian and White adolescents. The findings align with the gender similarities hypothesis, suggesting adolescent girls and boys had similar math value beliefs.

IntroductionParents' science support and adolescents' motivational beliefs are associated with adolescents' expectations for their future occupations; however, these associations have been mostly investigated among White, middle-class samples. Framed by situated expectancy-value theory, the current study investigated: (1) the associations between parents' science support in 9th grade and Latine adolescents' science intrinsic value, utility value, and STEM career expectations in 11th grade, and (2) whether these indicators and the relations among them differed by adolescents' gender and parents' education.MethodsStudy participants included Latine adolescents (n = 3060; Mage = 14.4 years old; 49% female) in the United States from the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009.ResultsAnalyses revealed a significant, positive association between parents' science support and Latine adolescents' science utility value. Additionally, there was a significant, positive association between parents' science support and Latinas' science intrinsic value, but not for Latinos' science intrinsic value. Latine adolescents' science utility value, but not their science intrinsic value, predicted their concurrent STEM career expectations. Though there were no significant mean level differences in adolescents' science utility value or parents' science support based on adolescents' gender, the measure of adolescents' science intrinsic value varied across girls and boys. Finally, adolescents whose parents had a college degree received greater science support from parents compared to adolescents whose parents had less education than a college degree.ConclusionFindings suggest parents' science support and adolescents' intrinsic and utility values have potential associations with Latine adolescents' STEM career expectations near the end of high school.

Drawing on the situated expectancy-value, dimensional comparison theories, and the intersectionality approach, this article examined the changes in adolescents' math and science motivational beliefs, the parental and college correlates of those beliefs, and the differences at the intersection of gender and college generation status (i.e., female and male first- and continuing-generation college students). Findings based on the nationally representative high-school longitudinal study data (N = 12,070; M-age = 14 years; 54% female students; 28% first-generation college students; and 14% Latinx, 9% Black, 10% Asian, and 57% White) suggest that although adolescents' math and science ability self-concepts declined during high school, their science interest remained stable, and their math and science utility values increased. Adolescents' motivational beliefs in ninth grade and the changes from ninth to 11th grade positively predicted whether they declared a science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) college major. Parents' ninth-grade STEM support was more consistently associated with adolescents' concurrent beliefs compared to the changes in their beliefs. Finally, we found that female first-generation college students, who were more likely to be Latinx and Black students, tended to have lower math and science motivational beliefs, received less parental STEM support, and were less likely to choose a STEM major than their peers. The findings of this study indicate adolescents' math and science motivational development in high school matters for their college majors and that certain understudied groups, including female first-generation college students, may experience acute marginalization in STEM and warrant further attention.

Though adults tend to endorse the stereotype that boys are better than girls in math, children tend to favor their own gender or be gender egalitarian. When do individuals start endorsing the traditional stereotype that boys are better? Using two longitudinal U.S. datasets that span 1993 to 2011, we examined three questions: (1) What are the developmental changes in adolescents' gender stereotypes about math abilities from early to late adolescence? (2) Do the developmental changes vary based on gender and race/ethnicity? (3) Are adolescents' stereotypes related to their math motivational beliefs? Finally, (4) do these patterns replicate across two datasets that vary in historical time? Adolescents in grades 8/9 and 11 were asked whether girls or boys are better at math (n's = 1186 and 23,340, 49-53% girls, 30-54% White, 13-60% Black, 1-22% Latinx, and 2% to 4% Asian). Early adolescents were more likely to be gender egalitarian or favor their own gender. By late adolescence, adolescents' stereotypes typically shifted towards the traditional stereotype that boys are better. In terms of race/ethnicity, White and Asian adolescents significantly favored boys, whereas Black and Latinx adolescents were more likely to endorse gender egalitarian beliefs. Adolescents' stereotypes were significantly related to their expectancy beliefs, negatively for girls and positively for boys.

Integrating situated expectancy-value and family systems theories, the current study tested the extent to which Latinx adolescents' 9th-grade school-related science conversations with parents and older siblings/cousins positively predicted their 10th-grade science ability self-concepts and task values. We also tested whether these links were moderated by who primarily initiated the conversations (i.e., adolescents, family members, or both). We used two-wave, multi-reporter survey data from 104 Latinx families, consisting of triads of parents, older siblings/cousins, and adolescents (89% Mexican-descent, 40% female; M-age = 14.53 years). Partially supporting our hypotheses, parent-adolescent school-related science conversations predicted adolescents' 10th-grade science ability self-concepts. Moreover, the links between parent-adolescent conversations and science ability self-concepts and task values were positive and significant when parents more frequently initiated conversations than adolescents. Similar but weaker associations were found for sibling/cousin-adolescent school-related science conversations. These findings underscore the motivational benefits of family members initiating school-related science conversations with Latinx adolescents.

Introduction The United States struggles with racial/ethnic disparities in STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) degrees and occupations. According to situated expectancy-value theory, the experience and knowledge parents gain through STEM degrees and occupations shape the STEM support they provide and relatedly their adolescents' STEM motivational beliefs. Methods We analyzed data from the High School Longitudinal Study (N = 14,000; 50% female; Mage = 14 years old at 9th grade), which is a recent U.S. data set that surveyed a nationally representative sample of adolescents. Results and Conclusions Results showed that parent STEM support in 9th grade and adolescent STEM motivational beliefs in 11th grade were lower in families where parents did not have a STEM degree/occupation than in families where at least one parent had a STEM degree/occupation. Our within-group analyses suggested that parents' STEM support was generally positively related to adolescents' STEM motivational beliefs among families where parents did not have a STEM degree/occupation for all racial/ethnic groups except Black adolescents. However, these relations were not significant among adolescents who had a parent STEM degree/occupation. Furthermore, although Asian and White adolescents' parents were more likely to hold a STEM degree/occupation than Latina/o and Black adolescents' parents, the associations between parent STEM support and adolescents' STEM motivational beliefs emerged for Asian, Latina/o, and White adolescents.

Introduction Why do some students maintain their career expectations in STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics), whereas others change their expectations? Using situated expectancy-value and social cognitive career theories, we sought to investigate the extent to which STEM support predicted changes in students' STEM career expectations during high school, and if these processes varied by whether the student had college educated or noncollege educated parents. Methods Using the nationally representative data set of the High School Longitudinal Study, we investigated the predictors of changes in US students' STEM career expectations from 9th to 11th grade (n = 13,100, 54% noncollege educated parents, 51% girls, 55% White, 21% Latinx, 12% Black). Results and Conclusions Students with noncollege educated parents were significantly more likely to change from STEM to non-STEM career expectations by 11th grade or to have stable non-STEM career expectations (compared to having stable STEM expectations or changing from non-STEM to STEM expectations). Additionally, students with noncollege educated parents were less likely to receive STEM support from parents and attend extracurricular activities compared to students with college educated parents. However, when examining the predictors among students with noncollege educated parents, students were more likely to maintain their expectations for a STEM career from 9th to 11th grade (compared to switching to a non-STEM career) if they had parental STEM support. Additionally, all students regardless of parents' level of education were more likely to maintain their expectations for a STEM career (vs. switching to a non-STEM career) through high school if they received teacher STEM support. Furthermore, students were more likely to develop STEM career expectations (vs. maintaining non-STEM career expectations) if they had parent STEM support. These findings highlight how parent and teacher STEM support may bolster STEM career expectations, particularly among students with noncollege educated parents.

STEM careers are among the fastest growing and highest paid occupations throughout the world. However, persistent social inequities in STEM domains emerge early for Black and Latinx adolescents, creating numerous barriers to their pursuit of STEM. Developmental and motivational theories highlight parents as a source of strength and support for students' STEM motivational beliefs. We conducted a systematic review of the existing work on parents' STEM socialization processes that shape Black and Latinx adolescents' STEM motivational beliefs. As part of this goal, we examined the variability within Black adolescents and within Latinx adolescents based on (a) other demographic factors (e.g., gender) and (b) racial/ethnic promotive and inhibitive factors (e.g., racism). The systematic literature search and eligibility screening yielded 36 relevant peer-reviewed, empirical journal articles published between January 2000 and January 2020. Overall, a majority of studies found support for positive relations between parents' STEM-specific support and adolescents' motivational beliefs among Black and Latinx families. Additionally, most studies included analyses within each racial/ethnic group, and about half of all articles included racial/ethnic promotive or inhibitive factors, such as familism or racism. In our discussion, we highlight an agenda for future research and discuss bridging theoretical perspectives to better position research to more accurately describe STEM motivation among youth from historically underrepresented groups.

Though one might imagine that traditional gender stereotypes about math have lessened over the years, this assumption remains to be tested. We know little about the extent to which parents' gender stereotypes about math abilities and their correlates have changed over time or the extent to which they replicate across research methods and racial/ethnic groups. To address these issues, we used four longitudinal U.S. datasets collected from 1984 to 2009 (n's = 537-14,470, 49-53% girls, 32-95% White, 1-59% Black, 0-22% Latinx) that included similar survey items. Across the datasets, parents believed that boys were better at math than girls. This was particularly consistent among White parents, where the small effects favoring boys replicated across all four datasets covering three decades. Compared to White parents, Black and Latinx parents were significantly less likely to favor boys. After controlling for parent education, income, and their child's math grade, parents' traditional gender stereotypes were significantly and negatively associated with girls' math self-concept, a small effect that replicated across all four datasets. These findings have implications for teachers and parents, as parents (particularly White parents) were significantly more likely to hold traditional math gender stereotypes, which relates to children's math self-concept.

The racial/ethnic disparities and average declines in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) motivation during adolescence are worrisome. Although STEM motivational beliefs are theorized to function in conjunction with one another, the unique patterns and how they change over time for different racial/ethnic groups remain understudied. Using data from the High School Longitudinal Study (N = 18,260), we identified four and five patterns of math and science motivational beliefs in 9th and 11th grade, respectively, and examined their prevalence among Asian, Black, Latina/o, White, and Multiracial adolescents. We found patterns with overall high/low beliefs, patterns with varying levels of motivational beliefs, and patterns characterized by domain differentiation. Then, we charted the stability and changes in those patterns from 9th to 11th grade for each racial/ethnic group and how the patterns at 11th grade were associated with adolescents' STEM career expectations and high school math and science grade point averages.