Publications
IntroductionIndividuals' math value beliefs are theorized to influence who persists in STEM. However, the existing findings on gender differences in adolescents' math value beliefs are inconsistent. The goal of this study was to use three existing datasets to help clarify when gender differences emerge for high school adolescents and for whom (i.e., adolescents across historical time, grade level, and race/ethnicity). Specifically, we examined the extent to which gender differences in adolescents' math value beliefs (i.e., interest, utility, and attainment) replicated (1) across three datasets spanning the 1990s to 2010s, (2) from 9th-12th grade, and (3) within each of the four largest U.S. racial/ethnic groups (i.e., Asian, Black, Latine, and White adolescents).MethodsWe tested these aims with three existing longitudinal U.S. datasets: the California Achievement Motivation Project (CAMP) (n = 8855), the Childhood and Beyond Study (CAB) (n = 582), and the High School Longitudinal Study (HSLS) (n = 21,000). Students were in high school (9th-12th grade) and half were girls (49%-53%). All three datasets included measures with the same or similar math value belief items, making conceptual replication possible.Results and ConclusionsOverall, we did not find strong evidence for meaningful gender differences in adolescents' math value beliefs overall. We did find meaningful gender differences in the oldest data set (CAB). When examined within each racial/ethnic group, we found no evidence of gender differences in math value beliefs among Black or Latine adolescents, but some differences among Asian and White adolescents. The findings align with the gender similarities hypothesis, suggesting adolescent girls and boys had similar math value beliefs.
Drawing on the situated expectancy-value, dimensional comparison theories, and the intersectionality approach, this article examined the changes in adolescents' math and science motivational beliefs, the parental and college correlates of those beliefs, and the differences at the intersection of gender and college generation status (i.e., female and male first- and continuing-generation college students). Findings based on the nationally representative high-school longitudinal study data (N = 12,070; M-age = 14 years; 54% female students; 28% first-generation college students; and 14% Latinx, 9% Black, 10% Asian, and 57% White) suggest that although adolescents' math and science ability self-concepts declined during high school, their science interest remained stable, and their math and science utility values increased. Adolescents' motivational beliefs in ninth grade and the changes from ninth to 11th grade positively predicted whether they declared a science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) college major. Parents' ninth-grade STEM support was more consistently associated with adolescents' concurrent beliefs compared to the changes in their beliefs. Finally, we found that female first-generation college students, who were more likely to be Latinx and Black students, tended to have lower math and science motivational beliefs, received less parental STEM support, and were less likely to choose a STEM major than their peers. The findings of this study indicate adolescents' math and science motivational development in high school matters for their college majors and that certain understudied groups, including female first-generation college students, may experience acute marginalization in STEM and warrant further attention.
The heterogeneity in the developmental trajectories of math motivational beliefs (i.e., expectancies for success and subjective task value beliefs) was examined among Asian and Latinx male and female students from Southern California across Grades 8 through 10 (n = 2,710; 50% female; 85% Latinx; 15% Asian; M-age = 13.77). By conducting growth mixture modeling, we identified two classes of stable trajectories for expectancies for success; five classes of stable, decreasing, or increasing trajectories for interest and utility value; and three classes of stable, decreasing, or increasing trajectories for attainment value. The group comparisons demonstrated that variability exists in adolescents' motivational belief development at the intersection of their race/ethnicity and gender for some trajectories. For example, Latina adolescents were more likely to maintain moderate expectancies for success than high expectancies for success compared to Latino and Asian male adolescents, but Asian female adolescents did not differ in their level of expectancies for success from the two male groups. Also, we found Latina adolescents displayed smaller decreases in interest compared to Asian female adolescents and in utility value compared to Latino adolescents. The findings from the present study challenge traditional stereotypes in math and highlight positive motivational belief development in students who are marginalized in math (e.g., Latina adolescents).
The changes in adolescents' math motivational beliefs (i.e., expectancies for success, interest, and utility value) across Grades 9-11 and the associations between these changes and adolescents' experiences with socializers (i.e., perceived teacher unfairness and parent-adolescent discussions) were examined within each of the four largest racial/ethnic groups in the United States using the High School Longitudinal Study, a nationally representative data set (n = 19,010; 50% female; 9% Asian; 11% Black; 18% Latine; 62% White; M-age = 14.53 in Grade 9). Cross-tabulation analyses suggested that similar developmental trends emerged within each racial/ethnic group (which were tested separately). Many adolescents maintained their high or low expectancies, interest, and utility values across Grades 9-11. Some patterns varied by belief; for example, several adolescents switched from high to low interest by Grade 11, whereas several adolescents switched from low to high utility value. Parent-adolescent discussions predicted positive changes among Asian and Latine adolescents, whereas perceived teacher unfairness predicted negative changes among Black adolescents. The findings from the present study highlight the diverse developmental trends in adolescents' motivational beliefs and the potential role of socializers as sources of strength or challenge in their motivational belief development.
Though adults tend to endorse the stereotype that boys are better than girls in math, children tend to favor their own gender or be gender egalitarian. When do individuals start endorsing the traditional stereotype that boys are better? Using two longitudinal U.S. datasets that span 1993 to 2011, we examined three questions: (1) What are the developmental changes in adolescents' gender stereotypes about math abilities from early to late adolescence? (2) Do the developmental changes vary based on gender and race/ethnicity? (3) Are adolescents' stereotypes related to their math motivational beliefs? Finally, (4) do these patterns replicate across two datasets that vary in historical time? Adolescents in grades 8/9 and 11 were asked whether girls or boys are better at math (n's = 1186 and 23,340, 49-53% girls, 30-54% White, 13-60% Black, 1-22% Latinx, and 2% to 4% Asian). Early adolescents were more likely to be gender egalitarian or favor their own gender. By late adolescence, adolescents' stereotypes typically shifted towards the traditional stereotype that boys are better. In terms of race/ethnicity, White and Asian adolescents significantly favored boys, whereas Black and Latinx adolescents were more likely to endorse gender egalitarian beliefs. Adolescents' stereotypes were significantly related to their expectancy beliefs, negatively for girls and positively for boys.
Are motivated students less likely to express negative achievement emotions in math, and how do teachers impact such academic beliefs? Guided by the situated expectancy-value theory and the control-value theory, this study is interested in how teacher support influences students' negative affect in math through students' perception of teacher support and students' interest value (teacher-to-student transmission between and within classes). Thus, associations were modeled at the individual and classroom levels to investigate cross-level interactions. Using data from 1,429 students in grades 7-12 (49% males, 67% Hispanic Americans, 15% Asian Americans, 18% other racial/ethnic groups), cross-level indirect effects suggested an association of teacher-reported support for collaboration and cognitive support with decreasing negative affect through students' perception of teacher support and students' interest value. These associations were supported within but not between classes.
Integrating situated expectancy-value and family systems theories, the current study tested the extent to which Latinx adolescents' 9th-grade school-related science conversations with parents and older siblings/cousins positively predicted their 10th-grade science ability self-concepts and task values. We also tested whether these links were moderated by who primarily initiated the conversations (i.e., adolescents, family members, or both). We used two-wave, multi-reporter survey data from 104 Latinx families, consisting of triads of parents, older siblings/cousins, and adolescents (89% Mexican-descent, 40% female; M-age = 14.53 years). Partially supporting our hypotheses, parent-adolescent school-related science conversations predicted adolescents' 10th-grade science ability self-concepts. Moreover, the links between parent-adolescent conversations and science ability self-concepts and task values were positive and significant when parents more frequently initiated conversations than adolescents. Similar but weaker associations were found for sibling/cousin-adolescent school-related science conversations. These findings underscore the motivational benefits of family members initiating school-related science conversations with Latinx adolescents.
Women remain underrepresented in most math- intensive fields. [Breda and Napp, Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 116, 15435 (2019)] reported that girls' comparative advantage in reading over math (i.e., the intraindividual differences between girls' reading vs. math performance, compared to such differences for boys) could explain up to 80% of the gender gap in students' intentions to pursue math- intensive studies and careers, in conflict with findings from previous research. We conducted a conceptual replication and expanded upon Breda and Napp's study by using new global data (PISA2018, N = 466,165) and a recent US nationally representative longitudinal study (High School Longitudinal Study of 2009, N = 6,560). We coded students' intended majors and careers and their actual college majors. The difference between a student's math vs. reading performance explained only small proportions of the gender gap in students' intentions to pursue math- intensive fields (0.4 to 10.2%) and in their enrollment in math- intensive college majors (12.3%). Consistent with previous studies, our findings suggest girls' comparative advantage in reading explains a minority of the gender gap in math- related majors and occupational intentions and choices. Potential reasons for differences in the estimated effect sizes include differences in the operationalization of math- related choices, the operationalization of math and reading performance, and possibly the timing of measuring intentions and choices. Therefore, it seems premature to conclude that girls' comparative advantage in reading, rather than the cumulative effects of other structural and/or psychological factors, can largely explain the persistent gender gap in math- intensive educational and career choices.
Introduction The United States struggles with racial/ethnic disparities in STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) degrees and occupations. According to situated expectancy-value theory, the experience and knowledge parents gain through STEM degrees and occupations shape the STEM support they provide and relatedly their adolescents' STEM motivational beliefs. Methods We analyzed data from the High School Longitudinal Study (N = 14,000; 50% female; Mage = 14 years old at 9th grade), which is a recent U.S. data set that surveyed a nationally representative sample of adolescents. Results and Conclusions Results showed that parent STEM support in 9th grade and adolescent STEM motivational beliefs in 11th grade were lower in families where parents did not have a STEM degree/occupation than in families where at least one parent had a STEM degree/occupation. Our within-group analyses suggested that parents' STEM support was generally positively related to adolescents' STEM motivational beliefs among families where parents did not have a STEM degree/occupation for all racial/ethnic groups except Black adolescents. However, these relations were not significant among adolescents who had a parent STEM degree/occupation. Furthermore, although Asian and White adolescents' parents were more likely to hold a STEM degree/occupation than Latina/o and Black adolescents' parents, the associations between parent STEM support and adolescents' STEM motivational beliefs emerged for Asian, Latina/o, and White adolescents.


